一個鐘廿鈫

某飲食界議員提議最低工資應設在20元下, 換句話說, 每天工作十小時, 每星期工作六天, 月薪是4800元. 如果"不幸地"每星期只能開工5天的話, 月薪大概是4000元. 以平均一個上有老下有小的五口子家庭來說, 扣除租金伙食交通等開支後,想一家大細假期出外吃麥當勞也有困難, 更枉論說有多餘錢作儲蓄. 假設其中一人失業或生病的話, 家中手停口停, 突發開支往往要從親戚裡頭借, 生活根本沒有保障可言. 再說, 當法定外傭最低工資為3580元而且包食住時, 這項建議無疑對本地低收入人士是slap in the face.

查一查Wiki, 得知這位張議員為了業界權益可謂聲嘶力竭有持無恐, 曾批評李卓人議員不斷提出增加勞工權益，是貪得無厭, 擔心香港會邁向福利社會. 這位議員所說的福利社會大概是指西歐國家奉行的福利制度. 在高稅制下, 一般西歐國家的人民都不用擔心退休後的醫療與福利開支, 在職人士一般工時都比其他國家短而且生活也比較愜意. 當久而久之一切都變得理所當然的時候, 經濟稍有甚麼差遲, 這些assumed liabilities都會變成對政府的巨大付擔, 出現如希臘般的財政危機, 而改變往往會遇到強烈阻撓. 但於香港來說, 這種擔心未免是杞人憂天了吧? 首先, 香港沒有如歐美的social security 制度, 一般打工仔都是靠自己的積蓄和兒女供養去養老, 香港極其量只有生果金這種象徵式的敬老資助. 長者們如沒有儲蓄而仔女又唔生性的話可以想像到會落得晚境淒涼的情況. 而據張議員說, 若然市民掙不到基本生活，應由福利政策支援，不應由僱主補貼。由這思路出發, 公帑當然是從納稅人那裡來, 但若果增加利得稅去滿足市民的基本生活要求, 這又不利營商環境, 不知張議員如何衡量?

當普遍食肆的工資時薪都設在20元以上時, 這個建議根本是敷衍社會對縮減貧富懸殊的關注和共識. 資方普遍反對設立最低工資的理由是最低工資會使失業率增高, 令到很多小企業倒閉. 的而且確, 設立最低工資會令成本增加, 但可以想像到資方為了保持profit margin會將増加了的成本轉嫁至消費者身上. 於食肆來說, 可能每道菜加兩三元, 已經可以回本. 溫總理也提到要香港解決深層矛盾, 定立可以使工人有尊嚴地生活的工資是令香港健康發展的重要一步.

Kinder出奇蛋

一次過滿足晒三個願望:

1. 學習關於東亞地區的政治與公共行政

2. 在日本生活, 希望兩年後說得一口流利日文

3. 回到校園, 令腦部不致因疏於使用而壞死


記: 本人有幸掹車邊被東京大学公共政策大学院的首屆英語碩士課程取錄, 成為眾多日本政界明星, 文壇巨擘, 商業天才,科學先驅的後輩, 深感榮幸, 特此記之. 希望從此不再誤入歧途, 不再走寃枉路, 踏踏實實的做研究寫論文, 關心和貢獻社會. 課程將於十月開始, 歡迎到日本旅行探親的人士借宿.





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The rise of nationalism in China

In an era where almost all issues of global concern cannot be solved without international cooperation, what we see, however is a diminishing prospect of having multiple powers come together to agree on a common course of action. As the wealth gap between the west and the rest of the world converges, a relative decline in American power has weakened its world leadership. Too many powers are now eager to have their voices heard - China, India, Brazil to name a few and some powerful international institutions also want their say in world affairs. It is becoming visibly difficult to accommodate everyone. Most notably in the climate change conference last December in Copenhagen, the divide between emerging and industrialized countries is anything but bridgeable. In light of the economic crisis of which China has emerged relatively unscratched, the western media is especially alarmed by the spoiling role that China has played resulting in the failure to reach any meaningful deal.

As the economic center of gravity shifts from the west to the rest of the world, what accompanies the rise of fortune in the emerging countries is the rise of nationalism. We tend to think of nationalism as a backward ideology that can be eliminated by modernity. The handy examples are Germany and Japan - both evolve from being an aggressive hostile power to become democratic cooperative members of the world order. But they might just be unique examples because of their roles in the war; To avoid becoming pariahs, they succumb to United States as two silent countries, a non-factor in most international issues.

In China's case, it is quite different. Economically deprived from the 2nd world war and the cultural revolution, China has its disheartening aspects of the history that this rising power is eager to shrug off. The desire for international recognition as a world power is stronger than ever. And the largest economic crisis since the Great Depression proofs to be just the perfect opportunity for China to flex its muscles. Not only is China one of the first countries to emerge out from the crisis, it is now seen as the world economic engine that helps other countries to come out from their recession. From the unusually harsh sentence on its political dissidents to the strong denouncement of the United States' decision to sell military arm to Taiwan (which is anything but surprising), what we see is China's new assertiveness in facing up pressure from the West. Among the Chinese locals as well, this sense of the rise of national pride is also strong. The eye-popping Olympic opening ceremony in Beijing is nothing but a cultural and economic extravaganza that conveys one single message, "The Chinese is here".

This rise of nationalism can be dangerous if mistreated. We all know too well that dictators rise above in such situations through the manipulation of people's patriotism. Too easily it becomes us VS the rest of the world when in today's globalized economy it's really cooperation or destruction. Another fear is that the media will intensify its self-censorship, dangerously brewing a kind of new McCarthyism. In Hong Kong where citizens enjoy high degree of freedom in speech, it might become (or has already?) very easy for one to be branded as "unpatriotic" when his/her view disagrees with the party's direction and politics. As China's stock continues to rise, we should play our part as responsible world citizens. The power and influence due to a giant comes with responsibility also.

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閃光少女

今天, 陽光明媚, 春意盎然.

誠意分享:

東京事変　－閃光少女

請相信自己有閃耀的能力.



今日が確かなら万事快調よ
明日には全く憶えて居なくたっていいの
昨日の予想が感度を奪うわ
先回りしないで

今日を最高値で通過して行こうよ
明日まで電池を残す考えなんてないの
昨日の誤解で歪んだは
新しく合わせて

切り取ってよ、一瞬の光を
写真機は要らないわ
五感を持ってお出で
私は今しか知らない
貴方の今に閃きたい

今日がどんな昨日よりも好調よ
明日からそうは思えなくなったっていいの
呼吸が鼓動が大きく聴こえる
生きている内に

焼き付いてよ、　一瞬の光で
またとないいのちを
使い切っていくから
私は今しか知らない
貴方の今を閃きたい　
これが最期だって光って居たい

Today, if the present is reliable, everything is going smoothly.
I don't care a bit even if I remember nothing tomorrow.
Your yesterday's expectation takes your sensitivity away.
Don't anticipate what will come.

Today, Let's pass the present at the maximum.
I have no idea of keeping a battery alive for tomorrow.
Focus again your camera on the subject which is out of focus by your misunderstanding yesterday.

Cut the flash out of a momentary scene.
We don't need a camera.
Come here only with your five senses.
I know only "now".
I want to flash at your present.

Today, the present is better than any kind of yesterday.
I don't care a bit even if I cannot think so from tomorrow.
My breath, and the pounding of my heart can be heard loud and clear.
While I am alive.

Burn your figure into my mind by the momentary light.
So I use up my precious life.
I know only "now".
I want to flash at your present.
Even at my last moment, I want to shine.

高耀潔醫生

在線上讀了一些關於中國著名維權人士高耀潔醫生在內地抗愛滋病工作的文章, 文中詳盡介紹了這位已介八十多歲 的老人十多年來的努力和遇到的困厄. 因為致力披露愛滋病在河南的真實災情, 被地方政府打壓, 家人更因壓力而與之疏離. 但是是與生俱來的正義感使然吧, 種種阻撓都動搖不了她對防愛滋病工作的堅持. 十多年來除了寫書著作 探訪過百條愛滋村外, 更自資百多萬元無償收養了160多個愛滋孤兒. 她的努力讓社會意識到愛滋病肆虐的嚴重性, 連國際組織也多次表揚高醫生的貢獻. 但是, 榮譽並沒有讓她工作順利. 貪腐的官吏為了維護地方形象多次驅逐她診訪愛滋病人, 不發護照使她不能出國領獎. 因賣血而感染愛滋病的貧窮農民數以萬計卻沒有一位官員因為管理失誤而下台. 官方的腔調強調愛滋病在中國的主要傳播途徑是性行為和吸毒, 但高耀潔醫生認為這只是掩飾人為失誤的籍口. 真正使愛滋病蔓延的是輸血與賣血 - 由於貪官勾結血販並予包庇, 使違法的不潔地下作業持續, 令愛滋病毒傳染不絕.

眼看之下眾多的愛滋病患者, 自己卻企圖以一己之力與制度羅旋, 文中她多次強調自己人生的失敗. "「我現在生不如死，活著太痛苦了，死了也就解脫了。」老人神色淒傖，話語哽咽。「實話說，我很悲觀，以後會怎樣令人不敢設想。」"

讀後心情沈重得很... 為什麼我們的社會會讓一個鞠躬盡瘁的老人如此失望, 如此心力交瘁? 為什麼我們的社會不能包容一個老人關懷病人的慈悲之心? 為什麼在錢與權力之下, 人性可以如此扭曲, 人命和人的尊嚴是如此一文不值? 一個堂堂大國, 外匯儲備數千億, 為什麼人民的心靈卻是如此貧瘠?

文中提及高耀潔醫生曾獲前副總理吳儀的首肯協助, 然而, 在強大的利益網絡下, 整頓貪官污吏又談何容易? 愛滋村, 毒奶事件以至四川豆腐渣工程都是人為的災難. 毒奶更有去之復還的趨勢. 而一個接一個的造假事件, 這又豈只是地方性的問題? 令人扼腕嘆息的是殺害中國人最多的, 還是中國人自己.

人民最基本的尊嚴也保衛不了, GDP年年增長過10又如何?




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日本文學與我

日本文學對我而言是救贖亦是沈淪, 是解放亦是枷鎖.

大三以前,它是一個我未曾亦未想過要涉足的範疇. 因為想完成日本語的副修課程而拿了Professor Wallace 的文學課,誰不知一頭栽進去便不能自拔.由起初接觸"源氏物語"時的驚訝,到讀夏目漱石的"心"時的揪心震盪都不過一個學期的時間.

記憶中接觸文學前的自己好像比現在的我開朗活潑得多,縱然興趣多多卻沒有對任何事特別沈迷,單向的追尋以物質作量度單位的資本主義式優質生活. 別人看上去也算是一個有上進心的青年吧. 讀畢"心"及三島由紀夫的"金閣寺"後, 卻被前現代日本文學的黑暗先吸引後吞噬, 人性的暗巷在他們筆下赤裸裸的展現 - 令我沉迷的是我對這黑暗的相知與認同, 字裡行間那似曾相識的感覺令我懷疑一路走來我只是將自己的暗面藏起, 而文學就像藥餌般誘導它出來, 突然間那個比生活更大的生命意義浮上水面, 迫使我從所謂的現實抽身,反思對生活的態度. 誠言,這是正面的. 只是, 閱讀得愈多,無助感就愈益膨脹. 胸口有時像被巨石般壓著鬱鬱不舒暢, 便又惡性循環地投入書內想找到答案. 我想信, 文學有治癒人心的力量也有帶人走進窮巷的毀滅性. 這些作家大概都帶著某種傷口, 利用寫作作為自我救贖, 然後不自覺地將負能量轉到讀者身上, 讓他們分擔自己的痛.

期後比較多機會接觸的是屬於現代文學的村上春樹, 在明治維新時期文學的混濁相互比較下, 他的世界充滿創意但同時地, 對社會的批判性相對較弱. 讀村上春樹時我不用鄒著眉頭細想每個人物的動機矛盾, 可以輕鬆地讓故事慢慢卷開. 在某程度上, 他的角色的自我意識都比較弱, 散發著因為自知無力所以不努力的頹喪、無奈感, 像懸浮在半空中, 無論怎樣爭扎, 都不能著地踏實的走. 這種消極在發達國家居住的年青人中不算新鮮. 當一個國家發展至像日本的超文明程度時, 向上的動力便被慢慢磨滅, 回到根本、原始的渴望卻日益變強.

曾有衝動改行, 從此在文學裡浸淫, 但意識到如果真的這樣做, 我大概只會變成像村上春樹小說內的角色般, 厭惡這世界的王道卻有無力改變的小角色. 我不打算放棄文學, 但我相信我還有其他要做的事.




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